After the dust settled on a historically tight Dutch election, an interesting pattern emerged. While party leaders were preoccupied with traditional campaign issues, voters used their votes to convey a clear message: digital proficiency in parliament is now a necessity, not just a luxury. This grassroots movement, inspired by initiatives like NerdVote, has successfully propelled technology-savvy candidates into parliament, despite their lower positions on the party lists.
While the centrist-liberal D66 party and Geert Wilders’ far-right PVV were neck and neck for the top spot, the real tech sector story was unfolding further down the ballot. Barbara Kathmann of the combined GroenLinks-PvdA (GreenLeft-Labour) party, a vocal advocate for digital rights and sovereignty, seemed poised to lose her seat based on her party’s performance.
However, a massive campaign for preference votes, which saw her garner over 25,000 personal votes, secured her return to the House of Representatives.
This result was no coincidence. It’s the product of a growing awareness among Dutch voters that the country’s digital infrastructure is not only a crucial asset but also a significant vulnerability.
“The voters have sent a clear message,” said Bert Hubert, a respected technologist and government advisor. “The political parties themselves placed their digital candidates lower on their lists. Now, the voters have said: ‘No, we are mobilizing ourselves,’ and they organized 30,000 votes for Barbara.”
Hubert, founder of PowerDNS and a former regulator of the Dutch intelligence services, is the driving force behind NerdVote, a platform that showcases candidates with proven tech expertise.
He cites early data analysis indicating that in university cities like Utrecht, Leiden, and Delft, approximately 1% of all voters cast their preference vote for Kathmann as anecdotal evidence of a “Nerd factor” at play.
Disconnect with ‘party dinosaurs’
The success of the NerdVote campaign sheds light on a troubling disconnect. While citizens are increasingly alarmed about issues like digital sovereignty, cybersecurity, and the influence of Big Tech, the upper ranks of political parties seem to be lagging behind. Why were these expert candidates placed in seemingly unelectable positions in the first place?
Hubert provided a candid evaluation. He noted that the composition of the electoral lists is often determined by “party dinosaurs” – influential party veterans who, in his view, “are individuals who print out their emails”.
“They are all balancing interests when compiling the voting list,” said Hubert. “They need someone from the cultural sector, someone representing the Antilles, and eventually, someone falls off the table. Well, that’s usually the nerd. Because none of those party dinosaurs, and this applies to all parties, have any affinity with the topic.”
This lack of connection creates a dangerous blind spot. In a nation that houses the Amsterdam Internet Exchange (AMS-IX), a critical center for global internet traffic, and where crucial North Sea data cables land, treating technology as an afterthought is a risky gamble. “In our governing bodies, we have absolutely no respect for technology,” said Hubert. “It’s seen as sewage: it’s important, but preferred to be underground, and thus, nobody is going to formulate policy about it. They all expect someone else to resolve it.”
Paper tigers
This mindset has led to a scenario where, despite numerous policy papers, concrete action remains elusive. Prior to the election, at a ‘Digital Debate’ organized by 10 industry associations, the frustration was evident. While politicians from all major parties acknowledged the necessity of greater European digital autonomy, the method to achieve it was largely unanswered – a sentiment echoed by Kathmann during the debate: “We are simply not in the driver’s seat, and that must change drastically. As far as I’m concerned, you could even legislate for that.”
Queenly Rajkowski of the conservative-liberal VVD party did mention a €42bn investment fund for digital sovereignty, a commitment the tech sector will be monitoring closely. But as Hubert pointed out, the majority of significant funding for Dutch digital projects currently comes from Brussels, not The Hague.
“In The Hague, no substantial funds are forthcoming,” he stated, characterizing Dutch politics as a “residents’ association meeting” fixated on “petrol, foreigners, and nitrogen”. It’s convenient, he argues, to “launder” digital policy through Brussels, which appears to grasp the urgency.
Their strategy was not groundbreaking but largely practical. They began by transitioning 70% of employees who only utilize basic office functions, while offering specialized support for the remaining 30% with complex use cases, such as intricate Microsoft Excel macros. “In the Netherlands, we often say: ‘No, we can’t change, because one person in accounting has 47 Excel sheets with a macro link’,” said Hubert.
